Struggle in Soviet Russia

Chapter 619: new direction

After being vetoed by members of the Politburo, the radical plan of the General Staff was finally replaced by a relatively conservative and aggressive plan, and in this alternative, the alliance will still be Chuncheon-Gapyeong-Jinlan Actions were taken in the Ri area, however, the target of the capture changed from the entire North Han River delta area to the less influential Gapyeong and Renlan-ri. The entire offensive plan will stop after the capture of Gapyeong, and the next action will be to be resolved through diplomatic negotiations.

According to the Politburo's plan, if the Americans are still unwilling to make concessions to the alliance on the Far East issue after the alliance has captured Gapyeong and Renlan-ri, and at the same time further strengthen its military deployment in North Korea, then the alliance will In the future, a reservoir will be built in the middle reaches of the Zhaoyang River. On the one hand, it can control the water problem in the Seoul area. On the other hand, it can also use the method of water storage to pose a threat to the military facilities of the US military in the Seoul area.

In Victor’s memory, the former Korea built the Zhaoyang Reservoir in the 1970s. The site seemed to be located in the northeast area of ​​Gapyeong, which was planned by the alliance. The national security of North Korea played a pivotal role, and some of the artillery forces deployed by North Korea in the border area at that time directly threatened the reservoir.

Of course, in the world of Victor's previous life, the dividing line between North Korea and South Korea was not strictly based on the thirty-eighth-degree line. It was the boundary redrawn by the North and South after the Korean War, which is different from the current North and South Korea. The demarcation line is not the same thing.

At present, Moscow has an obvious intention in its strategy against Washington, and that is to try its best to force Washington to sit at the negotiating table, and start formal negotiations with Moscow on the division of geopolitical interests in the Far East. In other words, Moscow doesn't care what attitude Washington has in negotiating, it cares that Washington refuses to come to negotiate.

In the previous period of time, the alliance has repeatedly put forward its own propositions on the issue of Japan, whether it is asking for the exchange of South Korea for Hokkaido, or asking the US military to withdraw from southern Korea. But Washington has always put MacArthur in the foreground, letting the downright hawkish general respond to Moscow's demands, while Washington hides behind the scenes and pretends to be dumb.

Such a situation is obviously very unfavorable for the alliance, because MacArthur, as a military general, is not qualified to make any form of decision on diplomatic issues, which is contrary to the US Constitution, but on the other hand In the future, he will be able to decide everything in Japan, and in dealing with Japan, he has obtained the authorization of President Truman. This contradictory and obviously unconstitutional appointment not only attracted criticism in the United States, but also created difficulties for the alliance to pursue the geopolitical interests of the Far East to a certain extent.

Therefore, Moscow's most fundamental purpose at present is to force Washington to the negotiating table, start negotiations on the Far East issue, and finally compromise and reach an agreement.

When the comrades of the Politburo ended their discussions and made the final decision, it was already noon. Comrade Stalin seemed to be hungry, so he announced a temporary adjournment and asked Comrade Boskrebyshev to inform the service staff. , prepared lunch for all the comrades who attended today.

Taking advantage of the adjournment, Victor brought up the Times commentary, which he, in his capacity as chairman of the Central International Department, analyzed as it seemed to show that the Conservative Party in Britain was struggling after more than four years of war. After that, its mainstream thinking has shifted from "appeasement" before the war to maintain peace in Europe to a bluffing war clamor.

Victor's evaluation is based on facts. After all, The Times has close relations with the British Conservative Party. Before the outbreak of the war, the reason why it advocated for Hitler and justified the name of German fascism was the mainstream of the Conservative Party. Pursuing the "appeasement policy", its representative was the then British Prime Minister Chamberlain.

After the war, The Times, which had been stagnant for a few years, jumped out again. It still represents the mainstream thinking in the British Conservative Party, but the Conservative Party today is led by Churchill. Su's position is known to the world.

Taking this opportunity, Viktor proposed to incorporate "Moscow Radio" into the Central International Department to help the Central International Department to publicize the ideological proposition of the Alliance.

Radio Moscow is currently the main force of the Alliance's external broadcasting and publicity. It uses a total of 16 languages, including Chinese and Japanese. Of course, for now, the main broadcasting area of ​​Radio Moscow is still limited to continental Europe and China, Japan, India in the Far East, as for the rest of the world, its broadcast range is not up to the mark.

At present, the Union does not have a department dedicated to the management of publicity media such as radio and television. In Viktor's previous life, the National Broadcasting Committee, which was affiliated to the Council of Ministers, would not be announced until 1948. This organization is also known as "All-Soviet Radio and Television. The predecessor of the Committee. As for now, the various television stations, newspapers, and radio stations of the alliance are all led by the Propaganda and Agitation Department.

To be honest, the propaganda and agitation department headed by Comrade Zhdanov has performed very well in the alliance's internal propaganda and agitation work. Comrade Zhdanov is also very good at doing this kind of work. The sense of smell at work is also more sensitive. In addition, under the leadership of Comrade Zhdanov, many talents have indeed emerged in the propaganda and agitation department. For example, Comrade Suslov, who was a strong contender for the new chairman of the International Department of the Central Committee, had it not been for Comrade Stalin himself Clapboard, Victor really may not be able to compete with each other.

If it is said that in the field of ideological research, Viktor's ability is naturally inferior to Comrade Suslov, who is really familiar with the remarks of Marxism-Lenin, including Comrade Stalin. It is said that in "Truth" When he was the editor of the newspaper, the young comrade didn’t even need to read the book, he knew where and what remarks the leader and mentor should quote, and the quote was just right, without being blunt at all.

Of course Viktor does not have such ability, but compared to the young Suslov, he also has his own advantages. For example, he is very aware of the importance of external publicity, and also knows how to do external publicity work. His knowledge gave him a forward-looking vision that people in this world could never have. He knew what kind of broadcasting situation to use in order to be more attractive and make people all over the world yearn for the alliance system and way of life.

In the final analysis, Victor is not a vindicator of communism, and certainly not an ascetic of faith. In his view, the confrontation between the alliance and the West, and the Western world led by the United States, has nothing to do with ideology itself, it is two worlds The struggle between the East and the West, the world dominated by the Anglo-Saxons, the confrontation with the other world, from his own standpoint, Victor has reason to win this confrontation for the Alliance.

In fact, from the bottom of his heart, Viktor does not like the work of the Central International Department. If he has a choice, he would prefer to continue to work as the first secretary of the Karelia-Finnish Republic, but he is in this position. There is obviously no choice on the issue, so now that he has sat in this position, he has to actively make a contribution, just like he did when he was the chairman of the National Security People's Commissariat.

In the history of the alliance, those in charge of national security work were often not well evaluated, including Comrade Dzerzhinsky, not to mention the latter two, but it must be acknowledged The point is that as the founder of the People's Commissariat for National Security and the first chairman of the presidium, Victor's reputation in this position is still very good, and even the most critical people will recognize him as the Union Intelligence Worker. The achievements made, including Comrade Kuznetsov, who did not deal with him, also believed that the People's Commissariat of State Security under his leadership was an efficient security agency that did not rely on wrongful convictions to gain merit.

As the first secretary of the Republic of Karelia-Finland, Viktor's presence was very low. After all, he stayed there for too short a time. Although he also did a few jobs, his work achievements have not yet shown. The short-lived republic was abolished, and he, the first secretary, returned to Moscow and began to lead the work of the Central International Department and the Secretariat of the Central Secretariat.

For the work of the Central Secretariat, Victor didn't have too many ideas. After all, he was doing errands in this department. At the same time, he also had a task of studying. As for those leading work, it was not his turn to do it. Therefore, if he wants to make real achievements, he can only start from the work of the Central International Department.

Over the past period of time, Victor has been somewhat hesitant about the main issues of the two jobs. From the perspective of being close to the leadership, the work of the Secretariat of the Central Committee should undoubtedly be placed in a more important position, but after a period of consideration, Victor returned to his original heart. He hopes to be able to play a leading role in the field of work. Inside, make more achievements.

He hopes to be able to take the work of the Central International Department to a new level and make some solid achievements just like when he was in the National Security People's Commissariat. For now, he has two plans: one One is the work of external propaganda, and the other is the work of external cooperation.

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