Struggle in Soviet Russia

Driven back to the villa on the boulevard, simply ate breakfast, took a bath, and changed into dry clothes. Victor rushed to the National Security People’s Committee and met with the members of the Presidium of the Committee who had arrived in advance. It was a short meeting.

Regardless of the conflict of interests between the members of the Presidium of the Committee, and regardless of their positions, in general, the vast majority of these people agree on one issue, that is, they all want the country The functions and powers of the People's Committee for Security can be expanded, and they don't want the shackles on the Committee to be too tight.

Since the establishment of the presidency of the People’s Committee of National Security, the members who joined it have long been accustomed to a relatively loose restrictive environment. Although there was also a chairman like Victor before, Beria was in charge of national security in a higher class. The working secretary of the Secretariat, but these two people rarely interfere with the specific affairs of the Committee, especially Beria, and basically have not intervened in the internal affairs of the People's Committee of National Security.

But now, the situation is obviously going to be different. Beria will no longer be the secretary of the Central Secretariat and will no longer be in charge of national security work. The person who will replace him is "Kuznetsov of Leningrad", hey, That's right, it is said that Comrade Stalin called this man, "Kuznetsov of Leningrad".

To be able to sit as a member of the presidium of the People’s Committee of National Security, no matter who it is, there must be someone behind it. Therefore, the respective news is very well-informed. What kind of person is Kuznetsov and his personality. Every member of the presidium is very clear about the work style, and the news they received is obviously not so pleasant.

Don’t look at that comrade "Kuznetsov of Leningrad" who is young and seems to be very easy-going. In fact, this man has a bad temper. He has a hot temperament and a true love. He doesn’t know how to do at work. Accommodating, harsh attitude towards subordinates, is a very strong person.

To put it in place, this person’s personality and style are quite similar to those of Comrade Stalin. What’s interesting is that those people in Leningrad seem to have this temperament, such as Comrade Zhdanov, and another example. Comrade Voznesensky.

No one likes the existence of such a leader on their heads. Therefore, most of the members of the presidium are opposed to the upcoming "Kuznetsov Era", and they hope that the previous working state will continue to be maintained.

Perhaps because of this, Victor came back to accept the inquiry from the NKVD this time. The attitude of the NKVD was relatively uniform, especially during the "Fibischenko Incident". The members of the presidium generally believed that national security The case-handling procedures of the People's Committee should not be interfered by outsiders, even the military.

In fact, in the presidium of the People’s Committee of National Security, there has always been an opinion, especially the Counterintelligence Bureau, the Ideological Security Bureau, and the Political Security Bureau. The committee's department, this department should also have all the powers from evidence search to arrest, to interrogation, and then to trial, and its case handling process should also not be restricted by the judicial department.

Why?

The reason is simple, because departments like the Counter-Spyware Bureau handle very special cases. The details, and even the facts of the case, are not suitable for public disclosure, and some even require strict confidentiality.

If the situation of the Counterintelligence Bureau is not easy to understand, then the work of the Ideological Protection Bureau is more representative. After all, the cases handled by this department are specifically aimed at dissidents, and the cases they handle are more important. It must be kept secret.

Once these cases require the intervention of the judiciary, there is no way to talk about confidentiality. After all, the more people know about it, the less confidentiality will be discussed.

In the past, when handling similar cases, the People's Committee of National Security had to submit special reports to the procuratorial system, mainly to the Central Supervisory Commission, to obtain approval for handling the case and bypass the intervention of the judicial system. Although such a program can also play a role of confidentiality, it is too troublesome after all. In contrast, how can it be convenient for one to have all the permissions?

Therefore, the position of the members of the presidium is also very clear, at least they support Victor's position in this incident.

The short meeting did not last long. After the meeting, Victor drove directly to the Kremlin. Today's questioning meeting was scheduled in the Vladimir Hall on the second floor of the Great Kremlin. Victor must rush over in advance.

The car drove up the Borovitz mountain in the rain and stopped under the open-air balcony directly below the viewing platform. When Victor got out of the car, he instinctively glanced at the top of the outdoor balcony, but there was nothing there.

Taking the umbrella from Varenka, Victor walked up the stairs alone, where Varenka couldn't agree to go up with him. As a driver, he could only wait outside.

Viewed from the outside of the Kremlin, the Great Kremlin is a three-story building. In fact, it should be regarded as a two-story building, because from the outside, the two rows of windows divided into two and three floors are actually one-story. It can be seen how high the halls set up on the second floor are.

Entering the palace gate from the front, Victor paid the military salute to the guards who saluted him. When he lowered his arms, he saw several people in military uniforms in the hall not far ahead, leaning together and talking quietly.

Victor first saw a middle-aged man in a dark military uniform. The other party also saw him. Perhaps it was not easy to say hello. The man just waved at him and nodded with a smile.

Victor knew the middle-aged man, Lev Mikhailovich Gallier, Admiral, member of the Central Executive Committee, Deputy Commander of the Navy of the People’s Committee of National Defense, and Deputy People’s Committee of the People’s Committee of the Navy.

Seeing the other party beckoning to him, Victor stopped and saluted the other party. Regardless of the job he was in charge of, it was certain that someone had a higher level than him, and meeting the military salute was indispensable.

Seeing that he gave a military salute very formally, Gallier also stood up straight and paid him a military salute very formally.

There was more than a dozen steps between the two. Such a brief exchange naturally attracted the attention of the few people next to him, and Victor immediately recognized the remaining few people.

By Gallier's side, there are the current deputy NKVD and artillery director, Nikolai Nikolayevich Voronov; a member of the Military Committee of the NKVD, who was transferred to the rear due to injury. Mikhail Semenovich Khozin, commander of the military districts along the Volga River; Deputy People’s Commissar of National Defense, Minister of the Red Army Mobilization Department, Grigory Ivanovich Kulik.

Looking at these people, they all come from the military system, and they are all members of the People’s Committee of National Defense, and they are all participants in today’s questioning meeting. Judging from these people, we know that in the People’s Committee of National Defense, the military The proportion of personnel is heavy.

However, Victor does not reject these people because they are not part of the general staff faction, and should be regarded as a relatively unique type of military personnel. For example, Comrade Kulik, for him... well, Victor does not want to comment too much, because in the investigation records of the National Security People’s Committee, there is information about him. This guy has used his position for personal gain and has been included. The General Political Department's investigation is over, but he still doesn't know it.

Of course, what Victor is even more unclear is that this comrade Kulik will not live for a few years. He not only loves taking advantage, but also has a broken mouth. He always likes to complain about this and that. In the end, he died in that mouth. On it.

Although the few people on the opposite side came from the military system, since they ran into here, Victor couldn't be seen as blind. He smiled and greeted him, saluting and greeting the remaining few people one after another.

"Comrade Victor Viktorovich, I heard that you just came back from Ukraine? And you went to Lviv?" When he came closer, Horzin, who was still in a cast on his left arm, stretched out his right hand and asked with a smile.

"Yeah," Victor said, shaking hands with him, "if it hadn't been to Lviv, there wouldn't be today's question."

"I have learned about the situation of Febischenko. He was mobilized in the Red Army in the Kiev area at the end of 41 years," Kulik said with a serious expression, "He was thirty-three years old at the time. Now, a 33-year-old government staff member who can respond to the call for conscription is enough to show that he has a sense of consciousness."

"Enlightenment does not necessarily mean there is no crime," Victor said with a smile on his face, but said in a calm tone. "In my opinion, enlightenment may come from a momentary impulse, or it may come from the inertia of thinking. As for Fibe Schoenke’s situation is difficult to judge now. In addition, when he joined the army in 41 years, he was 37 years old, not 33 years old. Therefore, he lied about his age and submitted The materials given to the military committee are also faked."

The bald-headed Kulik was widened by his remarks, and he couldn't keep up with the following rhetoric. He was in charge of conscription and mobilization work. He had also read Fabischenko’s archives before, but who could think of it, there were problems with the archives.

"The question now is, during the investigation of Febischenko by your National Security Committee, can you provide concrete evidence of his crime?" Voronov interjected and asked. This question is probably not for him. To answer, but to relieve Kulik.

What is the National Security People’s Committee? Without real evidence, how could it be possible to make the matter so big now?