Struggle in Soviet Russia

Chapter 216: South line

After leaving Liang Na and his daughter, Victor did not leave Vasilievsky's villa directly, but returned to the villa and entered the living room.

In the living room, Vasilevsky, Serov, and Vatutin were already seated in front of the sofa, and the service staff delivered coffee as a gesture of preparing for a discussion.

Think about it, including Victor, the four people still in the villa are high-level people. The work they are responsible for is more or less related to the military. When Yuri and his daughter are present, there are many topics that are not suitable for discussion. After all, When it comes to military affairs, only after they have left, a few people can sit down and talk.

"Victor, people have seen it now. Tell me, how do you feel?" When Victor walked to the sofa and sat down opposite Serov, Vasilevsky threw a pack of cigarettes in front of him. Asked with a smile.

"Very good," Victor answered directly without being ashamed, "Well, generous and talkative, I feel very good."

"Then get along more," Serov nodded and smiled. "Try to book this matter as soon as possible. I am afraid that there is no way to consider the matter of marriage in the past two years. It is better to book it first."

It is also a war period. If it is an ordinary person, there is no problem getting married at this time, but Victor is not an ordinary person after all. If he chooses to marry during this war period, he will leave others with words. Moreover, it is very likely. It will arouse displeasure from Comrade Stalin.

"I will try my best," what can Victor say? He can clearly feel the importance these people here attach to this marriage. In other words, this marriage is actually equivalent to his nomination certificate. With a nomination certificate, he can truly be regarded as a member of this political group.

Political gangs are often prone to problems, but the real problem is that this phenomenon cannot be eliminated no matter what. This problem will exist in any country and any dynasty throughout the ages and in the world.

Some people might say that this kind of political infighting phenomenon will only occur in countries like the Soviet Union, and will not happen in a mature democratic system like the West. But in fact, this kind of thinking is completely blind, similar to the Western system, which has already made this kind of political infighting open and legitimized. Otherwise, how can there be differences between different parties?

Comrade Stalin hated this kind of political division of factions, but even with his hegemony, there is no way to completely put an end to this phenomenon, because it is entirely based on human nature.

Although Victor is a traverser, he is not a god. God can't change things, how can he change it?

What's more, he doesn't have such a high level of consciousness. To be precise, Victor is not opposed to political positions. He just needs to be cautious enough to choose a position that is most beneficial to him.

Several people talked about the situation of Yuri's father and daughter for a while, mainly Vasilevsky gave a comprehensive introduction to Victor about the situation of Yuri's family, and then asked about some of the situation in Victor's home-he was a matchmaker. , Always have enough understanding of the situation of both men and women.

In comparison, the situation in Liang Na's family is much more complicated, because Liang Na's father has more brothers and sisters, and Liang Na's mother is the same, which makes their family many relatives. As for Victor, he has no relatives anymore, just begging for life alone, simple and pure.

Of course, the four of them didn't talk for too long on this topic. Soon, after Serov's inquiry, the topic turned to the work of the General Staff.

The key point is the next step of operational deployment that Vasilievsky now needs to formulate.

Serov and Vatutin were talking about this topic before, and after Victor came, the three of them also said briefly, and now it happened to continue.

In a nutshell, it is the current plan for the next stage of operations formulated by the General Staff, and there are very obvious differences in the opinions of Comrade Stalin and the Supreme Command.

Comrade Stalin and the Supreme High Command hoped to focus on the direction of Moscow in the next phase of the campaign and completely resolve the German threat to Moscow. The General Staff hoped to focus the campaign on the southern front, to be precise, in the direction of Kursk.

After the Battle of Stalin, the Soviet offensive did not stop there, but while besieging the German 6th Army, with the Don Front, Stalingrad Front and Voronezh Front as the main forces, they continued to advance westward. Pursuing the retreating German forces vigorously, they pushed the front all the way into Ukraine.

The current situation is that the three major fronts at war, including the southern front, which is fighting on the southern wing, are mainly deployed in the border areas between Russia and Ukraine. These four fronts are definitely the main force of the current Soviet army.

Their continued advancement in the direction of Ukraine has formed a huge protrusion on the entire Western Front. Their right-wing defense line is under threat from the German Central Army Group.

Prior to this, the Internal Intelligence Agency under Victor’s responsibility had submitted the German military deployment intelligence to the General Staff and Base Camp. The intelligence showed that the German Army was strengthening the armored forces of its Central Army Group.

For this reason, the base camp is worried that the German Central Army Group may launch an offensive against Moscow when the summer comes. At that time, whether they choose to advance toward Moscow or go south to outflank the rear wing of the southern Soviet army, they may be against it. The Soviet army caused a fatal blow.

From this perspective alone, the considerations of Comrade Stalin and the base camp are not unreasonable.

Of course, it is precisely because this consideration is reasonable that Vasilievsky, as the chief of the general staff, feels uncomfortable-if the base camp proposal is wrong, he can directly veto it without any scruples. Under the circumstances, he would be difficult to deal with.

"As far as I know, isn't the base camp just getting nine armies transferred from Siberia, Central Asia, and the Far East?" Serov asked curiously, "With such a strong reserve, it can be deployed to the Bryansk Front Army. The frontal line of defense is used to strengthen the right-wing line of defense of the Voronezh front."

"Now that the war is anxious, we don't have the ability to change deployment while on the move," Vatutin said, shaking his head. "Furthermore, the combat troops have suffered a lot in the previous months of engagement, and the troops need to replenish their strength."

Victor had no sockets on the side, but he knew what they were talking about.

What is certain is that after the brutal battle of Stalingrad, the German army has completely lost the ability of multi-line combat, and at the same time, the Soviet army also has no such ability.

The intelligence shows that the German High Command has continuously mobilized troops from Italy and France in the past few months, and has continuously shifted to the Eastern Front. At the same time, Berlin has finally issued the order for the mobilization of the people, not only relaxed it. The number of years he has been in the army has also increased the intensity of conscription.

At present, the German army is struggling to fight on the battlefield in North Africa, but even so, the newly recruited army has not been sent to the North African battlefield.

These measures have brought greater pressure to the Soviet army.

Of course, it must be admitted that the quality of these newly recruited troops is no longer comparable to those of the German soldiers last year. They not only lack training, but also lack sophisticated weapons and equipment.

At the same time, the Soviet Union is of course increasing its conscription. The nine armies mentioned by Serov were just formed. However, these troops were not on the front lines, but were ordered to gather in Kazakhstan and conduct short-term training.

Therefore, these nine group armies are just base camp reserves. They can indeed go into battle, but they cannot go into battle immediately. Instead, they need a certain amount of time to deploy.

It is precisely in consideration of these circumstances that the General Staff’s opinion is that the Soviet army should be transferred to the defense on the spot, on the one hand to rest and reorganize the troops, on the other hand to redeploy.

With regard to the issue of the transfer of troops to defense, revision and redeployment, the base camp has no opinion. The key lies in how this redeployment should be deployed.

The idea of ​​the base camp is to abolish the Voronezh Front and transfer the field leadership of the Front to the Southern Front, while the fronts will be transferred to the Bryansk Front to strengthen the Bryansk Front’s combat capabilities.

At the same time, the nine group armies that are still being trained in Kazakhstan are transferred to the various combat directions of the Western Front. Four of the group armies are added to the combat troops of the Western Front, and the remaining five group armies serve as reserves.

According to the estimates of the base camp, after this deployment is completed, it should be exactly the end of March. At that time, the Soviet army can take the lead in attacking the German army in front of Moscow to disrupt the opponent's military deployment.

According to the plan of the General Staff Headquarters, the deployment of the Soviet army will be concentrated on the southern line, which is the direction of Ukraine. During the deployment period, the Soviet army is also purely defensive, but should adopt active defensive combat methods.

The so-called active defense means choosing defense when there are no fighters, and launching an active offensive once the fighters are seized. Such a deployment can not only expand the results of the battle on the southern front, but also contain the strength of the German army, making it impossible to put the main force on the front of Moscow.

When the deployment is completed, it will be the time for the Soviet army to launch a full-scale offensive. It will quickly advance on the southern front with superior forces. On the one hand, it can completely eliminate the German threat to the Caucasus. On the other hand, it is hoped that the German southern group will be completely annihilated.

Now, the General Staff is unable to persuade Comrade Stalin and the Supreme Command. This is the fundamental problem.

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